Acervo, Rio de Janeiro, v. 37, n. 1, Jan./Apr. 2024
Memory and history: potencies and tensions in the uses of private archives | Thematic Dossier
Uniting souls, discussing the nation, imposing oneself
Gender, war and literature in the correspondence of Teresa González de Fanning to José Enrique Rodó (1897-1901)
Unir las almas, discutir la nación, imponerse: género, guerra y literatura en las correspondencias de Teresa Gonzáles de Fanning a José Enrique Rodó (1897-1901) / Unir as almas, discutir a nação, impor-se: gênero, guerra e literatura nas correspondências de Teresa González de Fanning a José Enrique Rodó (1897-1901)
Elisângela da Silva Santos
PhD in Social Sciences from the Universidade Estadual Paulista Júlio de Mesquita Filho [São Paulo State University Júlio de Mesquita Filho] (Unesp/Marília). Currently attends a postdoctoral course in the Institute of Brazilian Studies at the Universidade de São Paulo [University of São Paulo] (USP). Professor at the Department of Sociology and Anthropology at the Universidade Estadual Paulista Júlio de Mesquita Filho (Unesp/Marília), Brazil.
Abstract
The text presents and discusses the letters from the Peruvian writer Teresa González de Fanning sent to the Uruguayan writer José Enrique Rodó. Our proposal is to reopen the archives to reveal an important facet of the author’s epistolary: the presence of women reflecting on the national and continental destiny. We conclude that the missives fulfill the role of bringing us closer to the theme of intellectual sociability of an author who accessed writing as a form of cultural and political expression.
Keywords: Teresa González de Fanning; correspondence; literary sociability; Jose Enrique Rodó.
Resumen
El texto presenta y comenta las cartas de la escritora peruana Teresa Gonzáles de Fanning enviadas al escritor uruguayo José Enrique Rodó. Nuestro propósito es reabrir los archivos para revelar una faceta importante del epistolario del autor: la presencia de mujeres reflexionando sobre el destino nacional y continental. Concluimos que las misivas cumplen un rol de acercarnos del tema de la sociabilidad de una autora que accedió la escrita como forma de expresión cultural y política.
Palabras clave: Teresa González de Fanning; correspondência; sociabilidad literária; José Enrique Rodó.
Resumo
O texto apresenta e discute as cartas da escritora peruana Teresa González de Fanning enviadas ao escritor uruguaio José Enrique Rodó. Nossa proposta é reabrir os arquivos para revelar uma faceta importante do epistolário do autor: a presença de mulheres refletindo sobre o destino nacional e continental. Concluímos que as missivas cumprem o papel de nos aproximar do tema da sociabilidade intelectual de uma autora que acessou a escrita como forma de expressão cultural e política.
Palavras-chave: Teresa González de Fanning; correspondência; sociabilidade literária; José Enrique Rodó.
The passive correspondence of José Enrique Rodó (1871-1917), as an extension and variety of presences, reflects the interest of an author who always sought to diversify his field of activity and range of contacts. The large number of letters preserved in the José Enrique Rodó Archive reveals that this author was a fruitful, disciplined and extremely active correspondent. These letters were used as vehicles to outline his projects and disseminate his intellectual production, and the use of this socializing artifact can be seen as an emblem of his engagement in the construction of a continental intellectuality.
Only part of the author’s correspondence was compiled and published – Barbagelata (1921), Rodríguez Monegal (1953 and 1967) Penco (1980). The interest of some researchers in the return to Rodó’s letters is recent, and I mention the work of Castro Morales (2013) on the unpublished correspondence between the Uruguayan and the Cuban Rafael Merchán, the work of Cesana (2017 and 2022) on the epistolary relationship between Rodó and the Mexican brothers Henríquez Ureña and the Venezuelan Rufino Blanco Fombona, respectively; finally, the compilation by Elena Romiti (2016) on the insertion of Miguel de Unamuno in Uruguay, who had among his correspondents the writer Rodó.
The Uruguayan critic Roberto Ibáñez was the first to investigate Rodó’s unpublished papers, which were donated by his family in the 1940s to the Literary Research Commission created by him, which would later become Instituto de Investigaciones y Archivo Literario (Inial). It was with the author’s arquivo [archive] that the foundation of his investigative method was established based on genetic criticism, and the construction of a canon of national literature based on the author’s manuscripts, printed materials and objects (Bajter, 2012).
In their methodical distribution of the originals, Ibáñez and his team divided it into five thematic series: manuscripts, correspondence, printed materials, documents and testimonies. The correspondence unit was divided into three: letters from Rodó, letters to Rodó and letters about Rodó; some of these became book prologues and were published in newspapers and magazines as open data, but the majority remain unpublished. As can be seen in his passive or active correspondence, there is a heterogeneous character in terms of subjects and interlocutors, these from different parts of the world, mainly from the Latin American continent and Spain.
A copious volume of criticism regarding the links between Arielism and national challenges has repeatedly addressed the importance of José Enrique Rodó for the youth of several Spanish-American countries, establishing him as an ideologue of the continental identity, due to the high impact that his work Ariel (1900) had on the continent; here we are suggesting an increase to these analyzes based on research carried out in the documents, of incalculable value for the memory of the continent, present in its archive, in this case, the letters, which carry the important mission of disseminating the perspective left by a correspondent who shared at different times her biography, her social dilemmas and the testimony of the meaning of being a woman writer at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th century.
In this text, considering the elements contained in the immense epistolary corpus, we aim to visit the dialogue between José Enrique Rodó and the Peruvian writer Teresa González de Fanning (1836-1918). The analysis is based on an attempt to feminize this exchange of correspondence extremely marked by male intellectual figures who discussed the intellectual destiny of the continent, its fragmentation, internal conflicts and the difficulty of the pedagogical and literary exercise starting from the periphery, themes that the author also shared with her correspondent, an exercise that allows us to recover the work of silenced or marginalized women writers, and include a less homogeneous and masculine vision of the problem of nationalism and identities.
A reverse reading reveals that locating the figure of the woman in a sphere of history of forgetfulness and marginalization is at the same time not recognizing the women’s role in the continental political field. Brigitte Diaz (2016) comments that the testimonies present in women’s correspondence are places of memory, which became more dense from the 19th century onwards, and when seen as “miniscule life chronicles” (p. 203), these letters constitute themselves in an observatory to evaluate social practices, the representations that each person makes about their role in the family, as a couple and in the city. Most of them are pioneering women within their families, excluded from the city, who took the quill pen to exorcise this isolation, to contest their social nullity. Writing one letter is the first necessary, but never sufficient, gesture to break their exclusion.
The letters sent by Fanning to Rodó analyzed here were exchanged between 1897 and 1901 (there may be more letters from the author, but we analyzed the passive correspondence, kept in his archive, from the period 1890 to 1910), totaling seven correspondences. This interregnum proves that the dialogue between them was neither scarce nor fleeting, especially if we consider the volume of correspondence received by the author during that period.
Unfortunately, we do not have the letters sent by Rodó to Fanning, we were only able to locate the drafts of two letters addressed to the author in 1897, as his archive keeps three binders of letters sent between February 1896 and November 1897, which demonstrates and proves even more what Ibáñez (2014, p. 40) highlighted about the “testamentary will” that Rodó had, translating into the careful conservation of all correspondence he received, from apparently random papers such as postcards, photographs or messages sent by his interlocutors, newspaper clippings and books etc. The author’s passive correspondence, in relation to size and multiplicity of presences, very well demarcates his interests in weaving networks and webs from the epistles, often used as a means of routinizing Arielism.
As Eduardo Devés-Valdés (2012) analyzed, Rodó and his Arielism contributed to the consolidation of intellectual networks that developed a “common consciousness”; the Uruguayan established himself as a protagonist of his time. The study of these networks is a method capable of detecting long-term contacts between people dedicated to the intellectual task, seeking the existence of channels for the circulation of ideas and bonds, of more or less dense links, in which various initiatives are gestated.
According to Julio Ramos (2008), the late-century Latin-American literary field produced a discourse of culture as a response to modern fragmentation. It was no coincidence that in the first decades of the 20th century the essay proliferated simultaneously with the culturalist project; its form represents the ambiguous place of the literate before the disciplinary will, characteristic of modernization. In many ways, the essayism of the 19th century repoliticizes legitimation strategies, especially regarding the fragmentation that literature was developing at that time. Thus, Latin America exists as a field of struggle, where various Latin Americanist postulates and discourses have historically battled to impose and neutralize their representations.
Therefore, Rodó was not the only author who analyzed and attempted to provide theoretically possible solutions to the problems faced by the post-independence continent. Ramos (2008) points out another emblematic example, that of the Cuban José Martí (1853-1895), who in his analysis of Latin American society and identity recognizes and affirms the reality marked by fragmentation and the desperate search to condense the dispersed, reactivate the organic, “original” totality, lost, but present in our memory and in our history. There is a desire for unity, a desire to order chaos, perhaps a trace of the Enlightenment heritage that Bolívar left him. In this way, it still relies on the authority of literature and its ability to disseminate and inaugurate other representations of reality.
Mother America’s body was “disjointed” and “decomposed”. Martí’s discourse also stands in front of the fragmentation and attempts to condense the dispersed; in his work, history is not seen as the harmonious becoming of a future perfection, but as a process of continuous struggles, from a suffocating past.
We are interested in reading Fanning’s letters analyzed here from the political and cultural impact they can have on the analysis of female public action in discussions of social and historical processes concerning the nation and also the continent, therefore, also inserted in these discursive processes linked to modernity and identity, which also placed women’s role in this process on the agenda.
From this epistolary space, often seen as hidden writings, which would rarely come to light, Fanning puts on stage a subjectivity that was very fractured due to the catastrophic consequences that the Pacific War (1879-1883) had on her life, but, at the same time, the patient work of weaving networks with an author known as Rodó makes it possible to access spaces and debates which, strictly speaking, women at the end of the 19th century were deprived of.
The testimonies reported in the correspondence are records of a profile that moved around various subjects, they represent the “exteriority of an interiority” (Neves, 1988, p. 191), make public what is private and promotes the launch of the individual into society. In this sense, “the letter can then be extremely useful as a source of information about otherness” (p. 192).
The themes of Fanning’s letters are diverse, including the formal response to Rodó’s invitation on behalf of the Revista Nacional de Literatura y Ciencias Sociales, a publication located in Montevideo, to send contributions to be published, the intellectual complaint and the analysis of the production of the author, the recommendation of a fellow country writer friend, the in-depth analysis of the work of her correspondent, criticisms about the difficulty of communication between South American countries, the political analysis of the war and, finally, the desire for equity and peace among nations.
As we will observe, the epistolary contact between them reveals a myriad of themes that allow us to map questions about the Peruvian and Uruguayan intellectual fields, in which the correspondents sought to position themselves, each one based on their gender and insertion condition; eager to weave a network of contacts and personal relationships, the material analyzed and collated here explores the fact that women were not absent from the public debate on nation building, war situations, the need to centralize themes such as fragmentation of the continent, the need to educate the population and, mainly, the constitution of national literature.
As Mary Pratt (1994) highlighted, in relation to the extensive essay corpus, we add here the epistolary, on Latin American identity, produced by Latin American intellectuals of the 19th century, which can be read in dialogue with the vast male essays.
José Enrique Rodó’s work cannot be considered as bearer of an innovative lesson for women’s participation in the public sphere, a common characteristic of his time. A similar situation can be observed from his minimal epistolary contact with female writers (in his complete work, organized by Rodríguez Monegal – 1967, there is the publication of only two correspondences exchanged with female writers, one with his fellow countryman María Eugenia Vaz Ferreira and another with the Cuban poet Dulce María Borrero de Luján). The theme that would later lead to the debate on gender equity is barely mentioned in his books, as the figure of women, when it emerges, is idealized, as we can notice in the text written by Rodó, entitled “Maris Stella”, from 1912, originally published in the periodical La Democracia.
In the essay, the narrator says that he writes “for a moment almost unconscious of his pen” (Rodó, 1967, p. 1.191), and when associating the image of a Uruguayan lady in an album, he highlights that the woman would be the representative of a superior beauty, the “supreme empire of delicacy, refinement, grace” (p. 1.191), the woman would be the representative of the honor of the earth, a sovereignty, the soft idealizing magic. In his words:
Therefore, she must not lament her utilitarian inferiority, which is the condition of another utility of a superior kind, nor must she renounce her weakness, which constitutes her aristocratic timbre in nature. This apparent weakness is, definitely, a powerful force in the life of humanity, as is the charming weakness of the child, which forces us to a continuous outpouring of benevolence, keeping alive within us the most precious sources for the freshness of the inner life. (Rodó, 1967, p. 1.192)
In every “manly” work, women would be present, participating as inspirational, inferior and utilitarian.
Another important essay by the author, in which he mentions the woman, was his report “Trabajo obrero en el Uruguay”, from 1908, originally conceived as a report for the Chamber of Representatives of the Uruguayan Parliament, later included in his last book El mirador de Próspero (1913); in this production Rodó discusses the issue of factory work in Uruguay, stating the need to foster the spirit of professional association between employees and bosses to contain conflicts and create a corporate personality, which would balance the rights of both parties.
In this debate, he inserts the topic of female night work, and points out that the true place of women’s performance would, in reality, be within the home, whose function was to form, organize and maintain the unity of the family. However, as it is not possible to exclude her from the job market, she should be excluded from overtime, not allowing more than eight hours of her daily activities:
Although it would not justify a natural inferiority of physical energies, which is a fact of common observation, it would have a solid basis in the vital interest of reserving women sufficient time, within the domestic home, for the performance of the citizens who are up to her, and to form and maintain the sacred unity of the family, the rock on which all morality and social order rest. (Rodó, 1967, p. 679)
We can notice in these Rodonian conceptions from the beginning of the century a fundamental masculine interpretation in the demarcation of women’s spaces of action, who also suffered the consequences of an increasingly accelerated process of division of social labor. The role as a worker should be in line with her domestic tasks, her natural space of action. In the same sense, in the text written almost in an “unconscious way”, the woman appears as inspiring, bearer of superior beauty, but again weak and sensitive, therefore, the emphasis is placed on the main mechanisms of exclusion that justified the absence of women in the intellectual and literary scene as producers of ideas, based on the evocation of the stereotype of women constructed in the male poetic imagination.
The letters exchanged with the Peruvian female writer, in its turn, bring us new possibilities of reading about the intellectual relationship established by Rodó, who yearned to build solid ties with writers from different parts of the world. In his epistolary ocean, the woman also imposes her writing.
It is important to mention that other male intellectual voices in this period were dissonant in relation to the Rodó’s position, such as José Ingenieros (1877-1925) and Ernesto Quesada (1858-1934), and according to Laura Cordero (2009) both coincide with the inevitable character of feminism and its connection with modernity and progress. The first proposed a program of “scientific feminism”, which consisted of the transformation of society as a whole, and the evolution of the family institution, a process that could take many years to come to fruition. In the text Bases del feminismo científico, from 1898, Ingenieros pointed out that it was time to put an end to the manifestations of idealist feminism and focus on more accurate criteria of the so-called scientific criticism and rigorously positive methods and documents, seen as the true strength of the feminist movement of the future.
Thus, the theme emerges in sociology as an imperative need to seek the relationships that exist between the legal condition of women and their social condition, and it was understood that the legal elevation of women would be an indisputable trend in historical development, and this is correlative also an improvement in their economic and social situation. The legal, economic and social leveling between men and women was seen by Ingenieros as a condition for equality between them. The hope for this to actually occur is hampered in the text, as it omits any reference to European and North American feminist activists (Cordero, 2009).
Dora Barrancos (2005) mentions that the term “feminism” had an early reception in Argentina at the end of the 1890s, and acted as another sign of modernization in progress, but its use was polysemic. Ernesto Quesada would have been the first one, according to the author, to examine the concept in his opening speech at the 1898 Women’s Exhibition in Buenos Aires. On that occasion, he pointed out that the issue was a subject of intense interest, and that it was noted throughout the world, whose agendas in favor of women ranged from their admission to higher education, to the liberal and industrial professions and to commerce, fighting to recognize civil rights equal to men. In his words, he pointed out that “the great legislative reform that this century has seen implemented in all countries, however, enshrines the unjust inequality of women and men, subjecting women to perpetual guardianship: parents first, husbands second, and of the judges last” (Quesada, 2009, p. 80).
Advocating for the end of women’s civil disadvantage, he showed his support for extra-domestic female work, alluding to possibilities for them to work in stores, post offices, telephone services, infirmaries, a position that was considered advanced back then, in a society that will not legitimize women’s work until the end of the 20th century.
Dora Barrancos (2020), when analyzing the history of feminisms in Latin America, pointed out that some similarities can be found between women’s struggles on the continent, however the context of each country substantially influenced the development of the feminist perspective. However, since the 20th century, famous characters from different spheres have been observed who claimed the place of women, although many cases are isolated. In the case analyzed here, the particularity of the epistolary contact between the Peruvian writer and the Uruguayan writer allows us to observe the letters as polyvalent perspectives that also reveal some dimensions of the social dynamics present in Peruvian, Uruguayan and others societies from others countries of the continent.
Testimony of the individual who writes, testimony of the group to which he belongs or tries to integrate, as well as continuous representation of a social order, the letter is found “at the crossroads” of individual and collective paths. (Haroche-Bouzinac, 2016, p. 25)
Teresa González de Fanning was a writer and educator, her great motto was the belief that education could build a modern and civilized country; between the ages of 16 and 17, she was married to Juan Fanning, a career soldier who died in 1881 in the Battle of Miraflores, during the War of the Pacific (1879-1883), and her two children also died when trying to escape an uprising. Finding herself alone and without economic protection, she turned to literature and education (Scott, 1999).
Due to her good social relations, she founded the Liceo Fanning for women in 1881, which became renowned among the Limeña [Peruvian citizen from Lima] upper class, due to her innovative pedagogical strategies (Scott, 1999). Her published books are the novels Ambición y abnegación (1886), Regina (1886), Indómita (1904), Roque Moreno (1904), and the book of essays Lucecitas (1893). Furthermore, she published contributions in the most representative periodicals in Lima, such as El Comercio, El Correo del Perú, El Perú Ilustrado, La Alborada, El Semanario del Pacífico, La Patria and El Nacional.
The writer was one of the attendees of the Veladas Literárias, a project promoted between 1876 and 1877 by the Argentine intellectual exiled in Peru since 1848, Juana Manuela Gorriti (1816-1892). Veladas were spaces for cultural exchange alternative to the literary circles or academies that existed in Lima, the majority of participants being men. According to Graciela Batticuore (1999), renowned intellectuals of that time and new writers participated, from some parts such as Bolivia, Chile, Cuba, Ecuador and Argentina, forming an American repertoire. Gorriti, when installing the Veladas, sought an alternative space to the social changes of modernization and the consequent transformation of values. The essays read in the Veladas revolve around the concern with building a national entity, and around this idea the participation of women in this construction was discussed, seeking female recognition as equals on an intellectual level and their role in education within this project.
Therefore, if at the end of the 19th century the woman as the angel, or the person in charge of the home, imposed herself as a model of dominant identity for women, authors began to circulate – through their publications and public readings – a multiplicity of emerging identities, such as, for example, women in literature, science, education, etc., which often do not eliminate the most conservative gender positions, but coexist.
The fundamental question among the participants in the Veladas was: “What role should women play in defining practical and republican citizenship, identified with the construction of the homeland?” (Batticuore, 1999, p. 17).
Among the writers who took part in this cycle were the novelists and journalists Clorinda de Matto Tuner (1852-1909), Mercedes Cabello Carbonera (1845-1909), Teresa González de Fanning (1836-1918), Lastenia Larriva de Llona (1848-1924). They all share the condition of being single women, widows, separated or married, but in unconventional marriages, which envisaged a lifestyle in tense dialogue with the mandate of family reproduction, and a structure of affections that was alternative to the model of love that produces forms of subordination and authority in gender relations (Denegri, 2020).
The woman’s active presence in the press and her performance as a writer had been celebrated and seen as an extension of the maternal-educational role that was key to the formation of the country’s children, as the woman was an idealized figure of the republican mother. As Mary Pratt (1995) highlighted, there is no doubt that, for many nineteenth-century women on the continent, negotiating their political, economic, cultural and material status in the republican context was a major concern. The few who had access to the sphere of writing, almost all belonging to the Creole elites, left many texts that attest to their struggle for citizenship. Liberal egalitarian ideologies constituted a major opening for women.
In this sense, the formulation of a cultural modernization project by the Peruvian liberal intelligentsia was linked to the emergence of the female literary voice. The women writers analyzed were the first ones in the country’s history to enter the sphere of public discourse dominated until then by men. Therefore, the importance of these women for the processes of formation of collective subjectivities, riddled with questioning clashes about the future of the nation, can be observed.
Using this approach as a basis, we propose to include the female performance of Teresa Gonzalez de Fanning in the immense web of correspondence relationships woven by Rodó, pointing out her interest in accessing ideas about the continent’s intellectual and literary production. Thus, it was from this space that we read the emergence of the opportunity to conquer her epistolary “self” and offer valuable information about her country to Rodó, from the challenges of a country emerging from a situation of war to the direct involvement in educational and social issues.
From a very appreciable sir to my esteemed and good friend: oscillations between formal distance and the conquest of mutual affections
The letter emerges as a tool for theoretical analysis when moving from the private and intimate space to the public. It provides suggestions about the possible paths to be taken by correspondents, their desires, doubts and concerns. Therefore, understanding the trajectory of letters permeates their creation situations, which is why letters are important historical objects in their context of production. Through this resource, we can guide our gaze to rethink that, despite all the dilemmas experienced by Latin American women writers of the 19th century, they tried, from the most diverse resources, to access the space occupied by male writers.
Regarding the appearance of Fanning’s manuscripts, the state of conservation of the correspondence is good, as the author always sent them on letterhead with her full name in the upper left corner, and below the name her address. The small handwriting, which occupies all the spaces on the line, has a round shape and is slightly inclined to the right, and is very legible, unlike the handwriting of her interlocutor. The intensity of sending the letters has a good rhythm, and we observe that as soon as she receives the correspondent’s responses, Fanning writes the counter-reply.
Fanning’s first correspondence sent to Rodó is dated August 25, 1897. Its header is formal and refers to the correspondent as Don José Enrique Rodó. At the beginning, she apologizes to the “very appreciable sir” for the delay in responding to the correspondence sent to her on July 5th of last month but explains that she only received it on August 19th. She is grateful for the invitation that Rodó made to her on behalf of the editors of the Revista Nacional de Literatura y Ciencias Sociales, for which she says she is very pleased and honored.
You had the good fortune to bring together, in an interesting biweekly, literary productions, fragrant flowers of the soul, with the problems and progress of the social sciences, timely fruits of human intelligence and work: that is to say, the pleasant with the useful. As for its editors, their names, so advantageously known in the world of letters, express to me every appreciation of their respect.1
The writer complements the short letter by accepting the invitation, without hesitation, and thanks Rodó for the demonstration of fraternity that he provides her, greeting him and seeing him as a future friend. It is interesting to mention that if in her initial heading the terms used to address her most recent correspondent are respectful and somewhat hierarchical, at the end of the same letter the author already sees the writer as a possible future friend – as we will see, the prophecy will consolidate.
It is worth mentioning here the role that Revista Nacional acquired during its years of operation, between 1895 and 1897, when it was jointly coordinated by Victor Perez Petit (1871-1947),2 Carlos Martinez Vigil (1870-1949)3 and Daniel Martinez Vigil (1867-1940);4 according to its creators, the objective was to express the “cerebral life” of the new generations in terms of scientific and literary matter, since it had a different character from “sensational news”, and would be more focused on scientific works or human letters.
In total, sixty editions of the magazine were published, which included, in its sessions, literary texts of different formats, comments on works, literary criticism, theoretical reflections, news about society, cultural programming, letters sent to its editors. According to José Enrique Etcheverry’s (1950) analysis, its main contents reinforced Rodó’s concern with publicizing what the continent produced in terms of novels, serials, poetry, essays in general, in addition to philosophical, legal, sociological, economic production, etc.
In this way, the magazine can be read as an interesting inflection point for problems and debates that were not restricted to the Uruguayan region. As highlighted by Suzana Zanetti (1994), literary magazines promoted, in an unprecedented way, the literary reconnection and intercommunication of the continent, supporting common aesthetic proposals and converting Hispanic America for the first time into a shared field of articulated solidarities for the defense of the same ideals, often revealed in the epistolary confidences established between young editors and intellectual figures on the continent.
On the pages of the magazine few texts written by women5 are gathered, considering the large volume of publications. However, the fact that they are present in the indexes of this important vehicle is revealing of the intellectual agency of these writers through the literary press, an important platform for publicizing their writings.
Fanning’s only contribution published in the Uruguayan channel is the short story “Perfiles a vuela pluma: Pepe Rosas”, and in it the author does not spare the opportunity to expose the stereotypes constantly attributed to women:
And, by the way, you who read this short story will be, like the one who writes, tired of hearing two defects attacked by women: curiosity and murmuring, defects that, if not exclusive to humanity, which is most likely, are essentially manly. (González de Fanning, 1897, p. 122)
We observed that the author displays in this excerpt some literary trends in vogue based on her work and exchanges with other writers from Lima, who turned their attention to a critical discourse on the female condition. It is worth highlighting that in 1898 Fanning published the pamphlet Educación femenina: colección de artículos pedagógicos, morales y sociológicos, whose central theme was the defense and promotion of women’s education through laic instruction responsible for transmitting morals and practical knowledge. In the text, the author accused religious schools of poor preparation of students to face everyday challenges.
This agenda had already been defended in the author’s texts since the 1870s. According to Francesca Denegri (1996), women writers were concerned about the economic dependence of marriage. A traditional sector of the old landed oligarchy, which belonged to the families of some, including Fanning, had become impoverished, first due to the consequences of the war, and then due to competition with the export sector. For young women in these families, the possibility of marrying a rich man was the only way they could achieve a standard of living in accordance with their expectations.
For Francesca Denegri and Luz Pino (2021), Fanning’s essays on female education make a repeated call for women’s laic education, as a kind of preparation to help them face life’s adversities, as the educational system, with its heavy religious burden, would be to blame for the excessive banality of women, their tendency to selfishness and lack of morals.
To this first letter from Fanning mentioned above, there is a provisional response in one of Rodó’s draft notebooks, dated September 19, in which he refers to his interlocutor as “distinguished lady”, and points out that he had the honor of receiving the attentive letter, and attached to it, the precious contribution page to the Revista Nacional. He ends by pointing out the deserved prestige of seeing her name incorporated into the biweekly.
The correspondence mentioned here points out in its writing context a broad geography of themes, among them the delay in its reception, as attested by Fanning, the effort of Rodó and other editors of the magazine to expand its radius of relationship with intellectuals from the continent, the modernization of the space of letters by opening space for female writing. In this sense, as José-Luis Diaz pointed out, “the letter keeps the pulse of what is lived” (Diaz, 2018, p. 287), which is why it allows us to talk about literature, intellectual relationships, women’s public actions, through of correspondence unknown to the public, becoming important testimonial documents for understanding valuable information offered by the woman who also actively participated in the speeches that formed the nation and articulated intellectual relationships beyond national borders.
Fanning’s second correspondence preserved in the Rodó archive is dated October 5, 1897, and she already refers to his correspondent as “esteemed friend”; under a tone of doubt and dialogue, she asks whether “would you accept this title that I have no right to give you?”,6 and states that she expresses herself in this way due to Rodó’s kindness and courtesy. She wants his professional colleague to accept it because she values his production and because she will criticize him.
Yesterday I received your leaflet “La vida nueva”. This expression of appreciation on your part made a very grateful impression on me, but the dedication to the “distinguished writer” sounded in me like a false note in a well-harmonized melody. I’ll explain: I’ve always criticized the conventional genre of mutual compliments so used among writers: compliments that the force of lavishing came to constitute a kind of false currency whose value everyone knows, a similar to “I’m very proud to know you”; although the person to whom it presents itself is completely indifferent to us, if not downright unsympathetic. It was believed that the new generation of young writers would adopt the very simple and somewhat incomplete phrase: “for so-and-so”; [...]. But, when I saw that you, who are among those in the front rows, classify me as a “distinguished writer” who, not out of comfortable modesty but out of strict justice, do not count among the editors of the literary guild, I have to think that since it is likely that you take copper for gold, you did me the disfavor of judging me with such wrong criteria that I accepted as deserved an adjective that your flirtation dedicates to sex rather than to the merit of the writer.7
Teresa Fanning concluded that Rodó would know how to judge her observation fairly and she comments on his booklet, saying that she agrees with Rodó’s way of appreciating the object, the trends and the form of criticism, and she signs as the “loyal and appreciative friend”.
To this long letter, Rodó also recorded in his sketchbook a response dated October 31, in which he refutes the criticism, reinforcing that he considers her one of the great writers of America and admires her first and foremost:
The precision and culture of the criteria, the healthy literary militia, the vigor and resourcefulness of the style. Secondly, your letter pleases me and satisfies me for its frank sincerity, although sometimes it makes me feel sorry for denying myself, too cruelly, the same precious condition. And thirdly, I am all the more interested in responding to you as I long to defend myself from these attacks of yours that reach my soul with the same steel with which you wound me.8
Nora Bouvet (2006) teaches us that the letter corresponds to a random communication model, open to risks and misunderstandings, it is often associated with the myth of sincerity, transparency and spontaneity of writing, however it always brings a mixed, hybrid communication regarding direct personal relationships.
We note that this exchange of letters described here brings as an important dilemma the condition of intellectual women in the 19th century in Spanish-American society, who experienced an intellectual milieu still dominated by men. However, her firm, and even audacious, position in warning the author not to give her the exaggerated adjective, as she was not a fan of the mutual praise given by the writers, furthermore, she considered Rodó to be advanced in ideas, and as she did not count among the editors of literary guilds, she felt entitled to interpret such deference much more because she was a woman than actually a woman writer, who was only recently sharing her production with the correspondent.
In this sense, according to Alain Pagès (2017), a letter communicates its message not only through the text it proposes, but also through the materiality of the signs that accompany the writing, among them, the form of the author’s writing. In the aforementioned letter, we observe a plethora of very important symbols for the Peruvian woman of that time, eager to be recognized for her literary quality. Hesitant to see the compliment as sincere, the tone assumes the position of the subject of law who claims before his interlocutor an agency to the figure of the woman. Finally, this writer’s awareness of her gender identity, the limits she constantly faces as a woman and a writer, draws attention.
Brigitte Diaz (2016) highlights that for countless correspondents of George Sand (1804-1876), the search for identity is an obligatory presence in the letters of women’s life stories, and they often acquire schematic and condensed characteristics. In letters, female frustrations are common, parading in a speech that states:
Some, more audacious, train their voices in these epistolary exercises and exchange the plaintive tone of the elegy for a more combative word that must finally be heard in scenes other than that of the letter: appeals, exhortations, injunctions punctuate their letters that become a defense for the cause of women. (Diaz, 2016, p. 212)
The author adds that many of these women writers used epistolary writing as a simulacrum of freedom of thought and speech. It is in these silent galleries of history and in the archives that we can find their complaints and claims directed to their correspondents.
Eve Maria Fell (1999) pointed out that the Peruvian female novel of the post-war appears as an intellectual attempt in the service of national regeneration and the modernization of social life. One of Fanning’s best-known texts is “Sobre la educación de la mujer”, included in the work Lucecitas (1893). This essay takes as its starting point the social and political crisis arising from the Pacific War, rethinking the role of women in their society and the education they should receive. The Republican mother remains the role model to be promoted, and Fanning says the woman should be the sunshine of her home.
According to Francisca Denegri (1996), the romantic heroines created by the new women writers embodied a model of femininity in which the ideal of European progress was manifested: a heroine whose function was to maintain domestic order, with this, the imagined woman started to become a representative of a civilized nation. A very frequent theme in periodical publications at that time.
The Spanish critic Emilia Pardo Bazan (1851-1921), when extending Fanning’s work, congratulated the group of Spanish-American women writers, but pointed out that the Limeña author’s book lacked the impetus and energy to defend the full emancipation of women. Ana Peluffo (2007) highlighted that critics warned women writers about the lack of combativeness of feminist ideas, which would not be belligerent enough when defending the need to professionalize women of letters.
In this context, the reproduction and continuity of a social order also involved female citizens, who had to adhere to modernity and a limited citizenship for themselves (Pratt, 1994).
Dora Barrancos (2020), when analyzing the history of feminisms in Latin America, points out that the continent had developed nurturing experiences of female associations since the end of the 19th century, although adherence by countries occurred unevenly, due to the circumstances of each society, from material and cultural conditions.
Rodó’s response, who “yearns to defend himself from attacks”, indicated at the same time an acknowledgment from his interlocutor about her role in the “literary militia”, and again the author praises her, even commenting on her vigor and stylistic resourcefulness.
The third and final letter of 1897 was written by Fanning on December 25th. From this missive onwards we no longer have drafts of Rodó’s responses, leaving us with the unilaterality of the epistolary relationship, which achieves solidity. In this letter, the author says she is “satisfied and even proud”9 of the reasons why her “good friend” justified giving her the controversial adjective “distinguished writer”. The fact that Teresa González de Fanning immediately abandoned the clash with her interlocutor is perhaps possible to be interpreted as the result of an unequal and asymmetrical dialogue, since Rodó at that time emerged as an important intellectual and counted on the experience of editing a periodical that, despite having been in operation for a short time, had acquired considerable notoriety in the Latin American intellectual world. Furthermore, the polysemy of a still faltering feminism, which sometimes insisted on the perspective of women as the sun of the home, established this oscillation between criticism and at the same time acceptance of praise, which initially sounded false to her, but which in a second moment she welcomes almost as a naturalization of the hierarchy gender-sex present in the woman writer-man writer relationship.
Fanning states in the letter that as proof of friendship that from “today will unite our souls”, goes in image (attached a photograph) visit Rodó and his writing companions. She complements the letter with the following information:
Mercedes Cabello de Carbonera will soon head to the edges of the River Plate, in my opinion the first Peruvian writer and perhaps, yes, perhaps the first in South America. Her name must be well known in these regions where one of the most charming laurels that form her literary crown can be harvested. It would be useless to recommend her, because I’m sure I have in mind she must be a friend of yours.10
Fanning was right, as Rodó already knew Mercedes Cabello Carbonera (1842-1909), we even found two correspondences from her in his archive, one from 1896 and the other from 1897. In a letter dated September 26, 1896, Carbonera wrote to Rodó: “Dearest colleague, it was your letter that gave me satisfaction, I won’t need to prove it to you; you lavish me with compliments and ask me to collaborate with your magazine, and both things reveal to me that there is kindness and sympathy in you to judge me”.11
The woman author regrets in the depths of her soul for not sending something new to the magazine, but she promises to do so. As a final observation, she says that she received proofs of her new short story from New York.
Carbonera’s only contribution to the magazine was a critical study of the text “La vida nueva”, by Rodó. This handwritten text is among Rodó’s correspondences in his archive. Originally, the review was published in the newspaper El Comércio, in Lima. Carbonera was one of the authors of her generation who developed her literary career from the romance genre. Denegri (1996) pointed out that in one of her articles read in the literary Veladas, the author used to say that modernity would be equal to the emancipation of women.
The texts of these authors show the appeal to formats, which, despite maintaining a conservative tone, converge in the search for greater spaces of meaning for women made invisible by the hegemonic space of Latin American literatures.
The last letter from Fanning mentioned in this item was also the last in the 1890s sent by the woman author to Rodó, information confirmed in her correspondence written on July 12, 1900, to Rodó.
The resumption of dialogue and the female discourse on the consequences of war
In 1900, Teresa wrote to Rodó again in response to a correspondence he sent about the work Ariel, published that year. The letter is addressed to “my esteemed and good friend”, and begins with the following complaint: “It has been a long, long time since I was deprived of the pleasure of talking to you in writing”.12 She explains that since the last letter, mentioned in the previous section, she had no longer heard back from her correspondent, and it pained her not to have any more news from a friend whom his beautiful literary productions had taught her to esteem.
The letter comments at length on the Uruguayan colleague’s book, which she read “seeking to extract all the intellectual juice it contains”.13 According to the woman author, the work presents an intellectual maturity without losing any of the naive and robust faith in human destinies, especially of American youth. She points out that there is a deep look at the future destinies of our America, in which youth are called to play their role. Teresa de Fanning complements her laudatory analysis by saying that at that moment when humanity doubted its ancient gods, whom “innocent generations gave fervent worship”, Ariel appears with the noble objective of offering “youth a good path”.14 She finishes the letter by attesting to the presence of practical and positivist men who “unfortunately, are so abundant at this time”, and who will accuse Rodó of being a “dreamer and utopian”.15
The woman author points out that, no matter how corrupt a society is, select souls will never be missing in its bosom, “who do not become contaminated with the pestilent virus, becoming like the priestesses in charge of conserving the sacred fire of good”.16 At the end of the letter, she pointed out: “I will finish with what concerns Ariel: I do not claim to have formulated a critical judgment on your work; for this I recognize myself as incompetent; I just wanted to note some of its beauties [...]”.17 Furthermore, she hopes that the youth of her country will enthusiastically adhere to the cult of Ariel. And she says she will strive to make this happen.
Teresa ends the letter by saying that she is sending her professional colleague a notebook containing several articles on women’s education, published in 1898.
For Luis Alberto Sánchez, the year of 1905 was very relevant for Peruvian literature, as it was the consolidation of the modernist generation, which joined the aesthetics of Arielism: “It was in that year, precisely, the year of the affirmation of a new promotion, inspired by Rodó’s idealism [...]. His current book was Ariel. That is why we allow ourselves to call it Arielist” (Sánchez, 1974, p. 123). The most relevant representatives of Peruvian Arielism, according to Sánchez, were José de la Riva Agüero, José Gálvez, Ventura and Francisco García Calderón, Víctor Andrés Belaunde, José E. Lora, Felipe Sassone and Luis Fernán Cisneros.
Emír Rodríguez Monegal (1953) analyzed the master-disciple relationship established between Rodó and Francisco García Calderón, with the Uruguayan author’s main legacy over the Peruvian being the idea of an intellectual America and stylistic rigor. Both also exchanged correspondence, which apparently began in 1903, when García Calderón asked Rodó to write the prologue for his first book – De Litteris: critique. Rodó complied with the request. In the book mentioned there is an essay about José Enrique Rodó, entitled “Una nueva manera de la crítica” [A new way of criticism].
In this sense, Teresa González de Fanning preceded her colleagues in relation to the accurate reading and analysis she made in her letter of the work Ariel. This confers a testamentary value of utmost importance to the insertion of women as active in the literary criticism contained in the correspondence, which crossed the borders of two countries in that context, and when taken up again, it becomes a precious source to rekindle a legacy of the production of an author like José Enrique Rodó, but mainly by a woman, who – deprived of publicity, authority and not even mentioned in the gallery of authors who accessed Ariel in her country – illuminates the discussion and expands the identity dialogue on the continent, which also proved to be attractive and important to female intellectuals.
Fanning’s following correspondence is dated November 7, 1900, and heads with the words “very esteemed friend”, adding that it was with great pleasure that she read Rodó’s last letter from last September.
Which I received forty days later: it is very shocking to me that between the South American republics, which are as if we were neighbors in the same neighborhood, communications take almost twice as long to reach us as those from Europe; same thing happening with literary, scientific and social news: in short, that we are in more intimate communication with strangers than with family members: let us hope that the 20th century will remedy this and other imperfections of the agonizing 19th century.18
The temporal demarcation of forty days later is underlined in order to reinforce the time taken to receive the letter. She takes the opportunity to reflect on the distance cultivated between Latin American societies, a theme that Rodó insistently highlighted in his works. In this letter, the woman author confirms receipt of five volumes of the second edition of Ariel, and once again praises the work saying that she is sending along with the letter an issue of the newspaper El Comércio, which she calls “juguete literaris”, published under the title “Teresita”.
Furthermore, Fanning has a long discussion about her country’s challenges, clearly demonstrating her dissatisfaction with neighboring Chile.
I gratefully note your wishes for the international difficulties that cloud the sky of my homeland today are dissipated: being Chile the enemy, so rightly nicknamed “the Cain of South America”, which has much of the cunning and cruel nature of fox and jackal, and as a result of its prey – more than by its successes in war – it finds itself powerful, to deform its victims, there is nothing to expect, no, that someone took from justice by nobility will induce it to amend the twisted directions that inform its politics today; because such noble feelings have no place in the souls of the descendants of the Valdivia prisoners and the savage Auraucans.19
As Heraclio Bonilla (1980) pointed out, since colonial times, due to the specialization of the economy and transport facilities, supplies for consumption on the coast were made through Chile. In the first months of the Pacific War, Chile seized the coast of the disputed region of Antofagasta, including the port of Cobija, depriving Bolivia of its access to the sea; in addition, the Peruvian port of Iquique was blocked.
The struggle was therefore focused on obtaining maritime control, a key element for the development of future land actions. The last period of the war was strongly marked by intense Peruvian popular resistance against the Chilean invader. According to Vilaboy (2013), after the war, a new Peruvian government, presided over by general Miguel Iglesias, signed the Treaty of Ancón on October 20, 1883, accepting what his predecessors had refused: the cession of territories belonging to Peru. Tarapacá was handed over perpetually and unconditionally to Chile, and it was agreed that the Chileans occupy the provinces of Tacna and Arica for ten years, until the deadline ends, a plebiscite in these locations would define their final status.
In his letter addressed to Rodó, Fanning analyzed the situation of the consequences of the war involving the three Andean countries, which, in her opinion, were extremely harmful for her country.
Fortunately blinded by its insatiable greed, Chile itself, with its arbitrary management of Tacna and Arica, and with official documents such as the famous note from its minister Köning in Bolivia, drew the attention of other nations to the evil neighbor disturbing the peace and American progress, proclaiming that “their rights are born of victory, the supreme law of the nation”, intends to introduce into our America the right of conquest and the ruined European armed peace.
The author says she hopes that the American people, “moved by a high sense of justice”, will put an end to Chile’s excesses. And she attests that the tone of the press in Argentina, Uruguay, Paraguay and “even in Brazil, who did so much to side with it”, and in Ecuador, which stood against Peru, this act of justice is to be expected continental. She still apologizes for her exaltation when talking about Chile, but explains that she has two wounds in her soul, as a result of the war:
To it I owe the ruin of my country and my home, because my husband, the ship captain Juan Fanning who cooperated so much with the fortification of Arica in the high position of chief of the [...] and forces of the Plaza, succumbed to unfortunate journey from Miraflores at the head of the “Guarniciones de Marina” battalion of which he was organizer and leader while Peru lacked boats to defend its extensive territory.20
Fanning ends this letter full of analytical and emotional density by revealing her reading of the history of her country and her sad personal story, wishing her interlocutor a happy new year and asking him once again to send a photograph of himself.
Many of the author’s stories are inspired by women who lost family members and suffered economic difficulties due to the war. According to Cardenas and Ferreira (2021), the large number of widows and orphans that the war caused and the lack of State attention led Fanning to review her ideas about work and education reform for women. From her Lucecitas collection, in the short story “Dios y la patria”, the narrator presents the different scenes of the occupation of Lima by the Chilean Army, in January 1881. Chile is described as in the letter, as the “American Cain”, and Peru the defenseless prey. The narrative has a clear desire to honor the soldiers and anonymous women who help the injured ones through different charitable organizations.
The author defends civilization against war, which would oppose each other as light and darkness, which is why she signs many of her texts as María de la Luz, therefore the woman is portrayed as a guide and organizer of the nation in reconstruction, which appears as the mix between the woman of letters and the woman who practices Christian charity (Cardenas; Ferreira, 2021).
From this epistolographic dialogue with Rodó, Fanning denotes a very important strategic aspect, as she seeks to insert herself in political debates about the construction and modernization of her nation State. Therefore, the prisms through which her letter passed, full of pain and sorrow, permeate major themes such as war, nation and gender, which certainly transgressed the sphere of domestic space destined for women in the 19th century.
We observe a political interpretation of Peruvian territory, society and international relations, thought from the periphery, and from the position of the woman author, who unfortunately was a privileged social actor in the perception of these relations, due to her own family and personal involvement with the war.
The last letter from the author, that was analyzed, is dated April 1901 and contains a small amount of content, which emphasizes the manifestation of some countries to re-establish, like Uruguay, peace in Peru, which represents for the continent an act of civilization and human progress. Furthermore, she asks if Rodó would already have a new edition of Ariel in mind, and “when would he gift us with any work from his beautiful and spiritual productions?”.21
She thanked her dear friend for sending the portrait, which she showed to her sister Elena, her only companion after having lost so many loved ones. She ends by asking Rodó to talk a little about Uruguayan authors, as she had read favorable comments about the novel La raza de Caín, by Carlos Reyles. When saying goodbye, she wishes “health and all kinds of satisfaction from your enthusiastic friend and admirer”.22
Final considerations
Among the subjects discussed in correspondence with her partner, Teresa González de Fanning mentions the tumultuous events in her country, from an international scenario marked by the consequences of the Pacific War, her emotional and family problems, critical reflections on the literary production of the continent. In this way, the sequence of the author’s letters analyzed reveals a range of possibilities for the study of the rich Arquivo José Enrique Rodó [José Enrique Rodó’s Archive], who expanded his dialogue with other writers through letters, sharing experiences and productions, disseminating ideals and provoking debates. The epistolary testament left by the Peruvian author reveals that the analysis of letters can travel through unusual paths, it is no less revealing of part of the cultural and intellectual trajectory of the continent, which was also made up of active women.
The woman, deprived of the spotlight, sought in correspondence exchanges a privileged platform to disseminate her ideas, even if it was not intentional; her letters circulated, crossing national borders, demanding her participation in the public space of her country, mainly when analyzing important events, such as the war, its consequences in international relations, the situation of women and literary criticism. Therefore, she inserted herself into the international network of intellectual space full of men.
As we pointed out at the beginning of the text, the published works of José Enrique Rodó in which he mentions women, the image of domesticity, sweetness and naivety, hindered female creativity. However, discovering in his passive correspondence letters from a woman who imposes her writing, based on her condition as a writer living in an intellectual environment dominated by men, especially in a post-war era, when there is debate about the disarticulation of country, divided into different regions and cultures, means publicizing the position of a woman writer as an intellectual agent in the face of the patriarchal figures who centralized this debate and established hierarchies in the field of letters.
Locating the woman author’s correspondence in the expressive quantity of letters received by Rodó is to recover the possibility of publicizing an intimate, hidden, but revealing testimony of an era, whose writing recreates an environment of communion of interests and artistic values, but which it does not fail to highlight the confrontation of ideas, of authors who were situated on a different intellectual and artistic plane, due to the condition of women writers at the turn of the century, and men writers.
The importance of bringing these archival documents to light is mainly due to the content of these letters, which demonstrate new facets of the correspondents, as well as expanding the possibilities of reading their works. Fanning remained at the height of the dialogue with the renowned writer, and faithful to her convictions in pluralizing the Latin American literary space, and it can be considered an emblem of an open engagement for the participation of women, a space that proved convenient with female invisibility.
Research funded by the National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq), in the senior postdoctoral modality, process (102147/2022-1).
Archive consulted
Colección José Enrique Rodó. Archivo Literario. Biblioteca Nacional de Uruguay. Montevideo, Uruguay. [José Enrique Rodó’s Collection. Literary Archive. National Library of Uruguay. Montevideo, Uruguay].
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Received on 31 March, 2023
Approved on 2 October, 2023
Notes
1 Correspondence Series. José Enrique Rodó Archive, Biblioteca Nacional del Uruguay, BNU (25006-25006v).
2 Uruguayan poet, narrator, essayist and playwright. In 1937 he released the reference biography of José Enrique Rodó, entitled Rodó. Su vida, su obra.
3 Uruguayan writer, philologist and one of the founders of the Academia Nacional de Letras Uruguaia [Uruguayan National Academy of Letters].
4 Uruguayan poet and journalist.
5 Between March 1895 and March 1896, seven texts were added, between April 1896 and April 1897, six texts were added and between June and November 1897 there are only three added.
6 Correspondence Series. José Enrique Rodó Archive, Biblioteca Nacional del Uruguay, BNU (25041).
7 Correspondence Series. José Enrique Rodó Archive, Biblioteca Nacional del Uruguay, BNU (25041v).
8 Correspondence erasers, notebook E. José Enrique Rodó Archive, Biblioteca Nacional del Uruguay, BNU.
9 Correspondence Series. José Enrique Rodó Archive, Biblioteca Nacional del Uruguay, BNU (25142).
10 Correspondence Series. José Enrique Rodó Archive, Biblioteca Nacional del Uruguay, BNU (25142).
11 Correspondence Series. José Enrique Rodó Archive, Biblioteca Nacional del Uruguay, BNU (25227).
12 Correspondence Series. José Enrique Rodó Archive, Biblioteca Nacional del Uruguay, BNU (25963).
13 Correspondence Series. José Enrique Rodó Archive, Biblioteca Nacional del Uruguay, BNU (25963).
14 Correspondence Series. José Enrique Rodó Archive, Biblioteca Nacional del Uruguay, BNU (25963v).
15 Correspondence Series. José Enrique Rodó Archive, Biblioteca Nacional del Uruguay, BNU (25964).
16 Correspondence Series. José Enrique Rodó Archive, Biblioteca Nacional del Uruguay, BNU (25964).
17 Correspondence Series. José Enrique Rodó Archive, Biblioteca Nacional del Uruguay, BNU (25965).
18 Correspondence Series. José Enrique Rodó Archive, Biblioteca Nacional del Uruguay, BNU (26140).
19 Correspondence Series. José Enrique Rodó Archive, Biblioteca Nacional del Uruguay, BNU (26140v).
20 Correspondence Series. José Enrique Rodó Archive, Biblioteca Nacional del Uruguay, BNU (26141).
21 Correspondence Series. José Enrique Rodó Archive, Biblioteca Nacional del Uruguay, BNU (26275).
22 Correspondence Series. José Enrique Rodó Archive, Biblioteca Nacional del Uruguay, BNU (26275).
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